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[153] The former—led by Echazú—defended prostitution kakım a valid way of life, while the latter—led by Berkins—generally rejected it and mainly focused on the social recognition of their identities.[153] They sought to distance themselves from Ağababa's position that argued that in order to change the living conditions of travestis, they should first of all modify the image that society had of them, ignoring the issue of prostitution.[153]
[2] Bey noted by Spanish anthropologist María Fernanda Guerrero Zavala in 2015: "At the academic level, the approaches to identities and bodies from the queer point of view, which are gaining strength, are proposed bey a way out of the static conception of identities and propose angles of theoretical interpretation based on life experiences."[9]
Travesti identities are heterogeneous and multiple, so it is difficult to reduce them to universal explanations. They have been studied by various disciplines, especially anthropology, which katışıksız extensively documented the phenomenon in both classical and more recent ethnographies. Researchers have generally proposed one of three main hypotheses to define travestis: that they constitute a "third gender" (like the hijras of India and the muxe of Mexico), that they reinforce the gender binarism of their society, or that they actually deconstruct the category of gender altogether.
According to Argentine researcher María Soledad Cutuli, the most recent travesti ethnographies fall under five main axes of analysis: "gender identity", "corporeality and subjectivity", "health and sexuality", "prostitution and sociability" and, to a lesser extent, "political organization".[2] Faced with the phenomenon, researchers have generally proposed one of three hypotheses: that travestis constitute a third gender, that travestis reinforce one of the only two genders available in their society (masculine or feminine), or the perspective of authors who argue that travestis challenge the notion of binarism, but "far from being their proposal that of supernumerary or multiple genders, what they do seek is the deconstruction of the category of gender itself.
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Lohana Berkins (left) and Correa before attending a 1998 feminist demonstration, holding a sign that reads: "We travestis repudiate violence against women". One of the first major political struggles of travestis occurred within the context of istanbul Travestileri the 1994 amendment of the Constitution of Argentina and revolved around the inclusion of an article of non-discrimination based on sexual orientation in the new constitution of the city of Buenos Aires.[3] Noting that the project excluded travestis, they began to demand that the broader LGBT movement focused hamiş only on sexual orientation but also gender identity issues.
Maşeri dayak ve cinsiyet kimliğinin doğrulanması burada kritik bir rol oynamaktadır. Sosyal cinsiyet kimliği ve bu popülasyondaki ifadelerde çeşitlilik konusunda zamanla kalan bir farkındalık söz konusu olsa da, biyopsikososyal vürutimin cinsiyet ikilisinin ötesinde ve intikalin ötesinde kapsamlı bir anlayışı eksiktir.
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"Escucho voces hablándome en un idioma que no entiendo": defa joven bile Colombia que ganó un premio en EE.UU. por contar cómo es vivir con un trastorno esquizoafectivo
2010’da yapılan özge bir araştırı da Nawata ve meslektaşları, heteroseksüil kadınların ve cinsel doğrulum olarak hanımlara rağbet duyan ve aynı zamanda elkızı kimliğini reddedip kendini koca hisseden kadınların (gynephilic kadından erkeğe transseksüeller) pozitron sürüm tomografisini kullanarak beyin bölgesel soy temizımlarını birbiriyle kıyaslamıştır. Kendini er kabilinden hisseden bayanların hiçbiri elan önce hormon terapisi almamıştır.
Travesti bireylerin ve eşcinsellerin toplumdaki henüz bir küme görünürlüğü, cinsiyet disforisi ve HIV dahil fakat bunlarla sınırlı olmamak kaydıyla sıhhat ve yaşam kalitelerini vukuf ve yaygınlaştırma ihtiyacını ortaya çıkarmıştır.
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